درس خصوصي ((اللغة الانجليزية -4ب -ت2))عزيزي الطالب ضع سؤالك هنا "واحناعلينا الباقي"

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to its simplest political terms has been the sorting out of relations between these forces and the search for a system in which each will have its proper place. This was first exemplified by

the struggle into the national political structure, and later by the growing polarity between the throne and various political groups, with each seeking a mandate from the Moroccan people for the eventual shaping of a new framework. After the King had become the symbol of national resistance in 1953, there was an assumption in many quarters that he would on his return stay aloof from any political involvement, that he would reign and not rule, and that he would remain the representative of a precious but precarious national unity. The prestige of the monarchy was overwhelming and its latent power immense, as it still is. But between 1956 and i96o that prestige was transformed into active political power as well, although the step was not taken until the inability of the normal political organizations of the country to produce a needed stability had been demonstrated. the problem of incorporating all the undercover elements of

At the beginning of 1956 Morocco faced a host of problems, but none was more pressing than the insecurity and turbulence which reigned in both town and country. The several resistance movements which had come into being after 1953 had grown up, as it were, on the streets without proper guidance.

They had siphoned off, especially toward the end of the underground period, most of the active and aggressive young men in the country. With the return of normalcy many of these were unwilling to return to ordinary jobs or, in many cases, unemployment and dreary poverty, and they turned to gangsterism, extortion, and various kinds of illegal activities. The field was almost clear because Morocco was dependent on French security forces, which were reluctant to intervene in purely Moroccan affairs, until the national police was formed in May 1956. Even as late as that summer, however, the police had to fight pitched battles in Casablarica with the Black


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Crescent, one of the underground groups that had Communist affiliations. Individually the resistants were heroes, however, and the movements were judiciously signaled out for praise in royal speeches although less favorably viewed by the Istiqlal, which did not intend to lose the fruits of its generation-long campaign. Only gradually was urban order restored as the police got the upper hand, and as some of the resistants themselves were incorporated into the police while others drifted back to their ordinary occupations which the assurance that they would be given a gamut of veterans' benefits and special consideration.

The reintegration of the Liberation Army in the countryside

was more delicate. In the spring of 1956 it was continuing attacks on French outposts and government offices, and presented

a serious threat to order in rural areas where dissidence was an

old habit. If the new state was unable to control all its territory, there could be serious consequences. A Royal Army was created, mainly with volunteers who had served with French forces and on the basis of personal and tribal loyalty to the King. It was possible to integrate some of the rank-and-file of the Liberation Army, who themselves came from rural backgrounds, into the Royal Army after careful screening. But the Liberation Army had also recruited urban resistants and political leaders whose ideas did not seem suitable to the force the palace was building up, and so good parts of it were never incorporated. Regrouped in the far south of the country, they were patronized for a time by Allal Al Fassi and his wing of the Istiqlal, which began making claims to large pars of the Sahara in French and Spanish hands, and they unsuccessfully tried to seize Ifni from the Spanish in November 1957, a move which was meant to emphasize the intransigence of their outlook-for they had originally considered themselves part of a unified force meant to liberate all North Africa and had close ties with the Algerian rebels-and embarrass the government. Although this was the last major enterprise of the Liberation Army, it lingered on in

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the southern border regions and caused minor incidents until French troops were withdrawn a year later. Late in 1957, however, ex-leaders of the Liberation Army formed a new political party, the Popular Movement, which stressed a vague doctrine of "Islamic socialism," and has shown strength in rural and Berber areas in which the Army had previously operated.

After the restoration of public order, which was completed by the end of 1956, Moroccan political life blossomed. Since independence there have been six governments, four of them political cabinets and the last two formed and presided over by the King. The first government of Si Bekkai lasted until October 1956, bat was under constant attack by the Istiqlal, which wanted all the cabinet posts instead of a mere majority.

In fact, the cabinet was a governing institution in name only at this time because of the unlimited nature of royal power, and the separate political activity which flourished in the palace with all its ramifications, plus royal control of the Army and the police. When the second, all-Istiqlal government was formed, the King retained Si Bekkai, personally loyal to him, as head of government and formed a crown council to handle certain matters that he did not want to go through the cabinet.

Thus, the Istiqlal did not ever have full power and it was, moreover, beginning to show signs of internal strain. The enthusiastic support it had received from a majority of the people just after independence was giving way to disillusionment as the economy slowed down and the standard of living dipped. Also there was a basic cleavage between the old-guard leadership which had come from and represented more conservative circles and a minority group headed by Mehdi ben

accused the party of having lost contact with popular reality and which turned to the urban proletariat for support. The quarrel was noticeable in 1957, when the tone of party publications controlled by each faction started to clash. After the Istiqlal ministers had resigned and brought down the second
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Bekkai government, the conservative wing of the party formed a government under the stewardship of Balafrej. This lasted from May to December 1958, and made an indifferent record.

It was: a period when events in the Middle East like the Iraqi Revolution made the palace sensitive, while labor disorders increased in the cities. Late in the year an uprising in the Rif.

Stemming from both economic and political discontent was forcefully put down by the Royal Army led by Crown Prince (now King) Mulay Hassan. It was also a time when intra-party disharmony came to open rupture. The movement was forced to resign and, after three weeks of consultations, the King chose a cabinet directed by one of the leaders of the opposing faction, Ibrahim, although members were to serve, according to royal decision, on a personal and not party basis.

The purpose of this cabinet was to prepare for elections and resign, but in fact it lingered in office well over a year, during which time political confusion reached a climax. The Istiqlal split into two segments, and in the summer of 19s9 the "progressive" wing, as it turned itself, organized a new party, the National Union of Popular Forces (UNFP), which united Istiglal secessionists, dissidents from minor parties, and leaders of the Moroccan Labor Union (UMT). Chaos was the only description of the events of early 196o. The government refused to resign voluntarily and signs of impatience and hostility multiplied from the palace, particularly from the Crown Prince, who was politically very active. To compensate for the defection of the UMT, the Istiglal had formed 2 rival labor union which did not attract a large clientele, but private political and union strong-arm squads brought a return of violence to the cities. The government was powerless since the palace had control of the security forces, and it refused to intervene. The situation was such that in fact the leaders of the government were the chiefs of the opposition, and an uprising in the Atlas was attempted not against bur in favor of the government. To check further degradation, the King stepped

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in to end the mandate of the Ibrahim government. He announced in a nationwide speech that he was assuming control of the government hinself with the Crown Prince as Vice premier, and asked individuals of all tendencies to help him form a cabinet of national union. All groups except the UNFP agreed to participate in this stabilization effort.

Since 196o Morocco has been governed as well as reigned over by its monarchs, Muhammad V until his sudden death in February 1961, and Hassan II thereafter. In that interval, although there have been few changes in political structure, a clear division has emerged between the palace and its supporters in groups representing conservative and rural elements, and the opposition entrenched in the industrial cities along the Atlantic coast, where in municipal elections in 196o (the only elections yet held in Morocco) its candidates won a majority.

The monarchy is the point of departure for any understanding of modern Morocco, and it is more than just one of many political ingredients. The 'Alawite family has ruled for three centuries and has by now forged a strong affective bond between itself and the people, which makes the throne as close to the heart of the continuing tradition of the nation as possible. Thus the King, who wields power not only as the malik, or temporal executive, but also as imam, the spiritual leader of the Moroccan Muslim community, is the evocation of the national personality,. His popularity among simple and rural people approaches adulation and if in the cities there is a newer, sophisticated view of him as a political figure, he can still never really be looked on by any Moroccan as an ordinary individual. The decision of the royal family to step into the arena of politics was a fateful one. It raised cries of arbitrariness and "personal power" from the UNFP opposition, and caused discussion in many circles, but until now there has been no sign that any other force in the country is capable of assuring national solidarity.

Until the end of 1962 Morocco was an absolute monarchy in