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and the Organization of African Unity. It was also a key participant in the
the Col War with Third World groupings such as the Non-Aligned Movement
desclopment of Maghrebi cooperation (or lack thereof) were conducted by Slim
founding of the Arab Maghrebi Union (UMA) in 1989. Analyses of the historical
1980 and Deeh (1989). Aghrout and Sutton (1990) provided a valuable ently
given the economic problems of regional cooperation between developing coun
study of the UMA, with a rather skeptical assessment of the grouping potential
has foreign economic policy implications. Both Perkins (1986) and Deeb and
Because of Tunisia's small size, much of Tunisia's domestic economic policy
nisia's foreign policy. Works cited earlier on domestic politics and economie
policy have a bearing on foreign policy, for example, Kamelgarn (1978). Sinon
(1979) offered a study of Tunisian immigration to Europe, also drawing attention
to Tunisia's position within an economic space dominated by Europe
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COMPARATIVE REGIONAL STUDIES
Finally, one is able to gain insight into Tunisia with the help of several re.
gional and comparative works. Spencer's (1993) study of Maghrebi politics
highlights Tunisia's role in the UMA. Tessler, Entelis, and White (1995) offer
a chapter on Tunisian politics. Moore's (1970) and Entelis's (1980) comparative
treatments of Maghrebi politics contain extensive analyses of Tunisian polities.
Parker's (1984) study of the Maghreb treats Bourguiba's Tunisia as a firm ally
of the United States. Zartman and Habeeb's (1993) edited volune pursued the
matic concerns, rather than country-by-country analyses. Hermassi and Vandewalle's article on state-society relations in that volume is of particular note,
Finally, the Annuaire de l'Afrique du Nord is an indispensable source of analysis
and information
FUTURE RESEARCH CONCERNS
Future scholarship may find it valuable to engage Tunisian politics on two
perhaps related levels. At the level of domestic polities, the Tunisian political
system continues to close. The promise of the early years of the change of
regime on November 7, 1987, has given way to disappointment ten years later
as the Ben Ali regime continues to eradicate all opposition in the name of
stopping Islamists. While the government is supported by the European Union
and the United States because
the country is not Algeria," Tunisia risks losing
entirely a loyal opposition. The implications of Tunisia's closure need to be
examined more directly.
At the international level, Tunisia continues to place its stock in an economic
space dominated by Europe. The government signed a Partnership Agreement
with the European Union in July 1995. The agreement will create a free trade
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It is impossible to do research on Algeria without consulting French sources,
The bulk of the work on Algeria since its independence in 1962 (and certainly
before that) has been done by French researchers, writers, and others who had
a deep interest in that country. Algerians who have written about their country
have also tended to write primarily in French
The literature on Algeria since the mid-1960s can be divided into three major
segments that follow the chronological developments in that country. The first
part covers the political and historical events of French Algeria before and during the war of independence (1954-1962), the second discusses Algeria under
military rule until 1992, and the more recent literature covers the ongoing armed
conflict between government and Islamist forces. Some works, of course, cover
more than one period.
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FRENCH ALGERIA AND THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE
Some of the earliest studies that considered the prewar and the war years were
written by Algerians who were involved in the politics of the time. Ferhat Abbas,
the first president of the National Assembly of the Algerian Republic, wrote
Guerre er révolution d'Algérie: La nuit coloniale (1962) and later Autopsie
d'une guerre (1980), where he describes the people and analyzes the events in
the prewar and war periods in Algeria. Another major figure of the Algerian
war of independence, Hocine Ait Ahmed, who is still a prominent Berber leader
of the opposition party, the Front des Forces Socialistes (FFS), in Algeria today,
has written about the war in La guerre et l'après-guerre (1964). Mohamed
Boudiaf, one of the chefs historiques" of the Algerian war of independence,
who was called back from exile in Morocco in 1992 to become the head of the
five-man High Council of State and was then assassinated in 1994, also wrote,
in the aftermath of the war, Où va l'Algérie? (1964).
There are numerous works by French authors on the prewar and war years.
among the more authoritative of which are Charles Robert Ageron's L'Algérie
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III. Independent North Africa
GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS
If we look at the problems of government in the independent
countries of North Africa in an order of ascending difficulties,
We find that Tunisia made the transition from dependence to
independence with a minimum of shock and discontinuity, and
has functioned since with remarkable smoothness. Arrange
ments had already been made during the autonomous period
for elections to a Constituent Assembly and these were held on
March 25, 1956, only five days after Franco-Tunisian protocol
recognizing Tunisia as an independent state had been signed.
The neo-Destour ticket, a nacional union front grouping to
gether labor, commercial and agricultural organization, won
an overwhelming victory (97 per cent of the vote). The AS-
but he resigned shortly to become Prenier of the first Tunisian
sembly was convened and Bourguiba elected presiding officer,
government.
The principal task of the Assembly was to draft a constitu-
tion, but as it got down to work it became evident that there
was strong sentiment among the deputies and chroughout the
country to change the regime from a monarchy to a republic.
In fact, the eventual disappearance of the Beylical system had
long been planned by Destourians and taken for granted by
most Tunisians. There had never been any deep feeling among
the people for ic, although it had been accepted without rancor.
But the whole political evolution of Tunisia, from the earliest
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III. Independent North Africa

GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS

If we look at the problems of governument in the independent countries of North Africa in an order of ascending difficulties, we find that Tunisia made the transition from dependence to independence with a minimum of shock and discontinuity, and has functioned since with remarkable smoothness. Arrangements had already been made during the autonomous period for elections to a Constituent Assembly and these were held on March 25, 1956, only five days after Franco-Tunisian protocol recognizing Tunisis as an independeat state had been signed.

The neo-Destour ticket, a naional union front grouping together labor, commercial and agricultural orgenization, won an overwhelming victory (97 per cent of the vote). The Assembly was convened and Bourguiba elected presiding officer, but he resigned shortly to becone Prerier of the first Tunisian government.

The principa! task of the Assembly was to draft a constitution, but as it got down to work it bec me evident that there was strong seatianent among the deputies and throughout the country to change the regime from a monarchy to a republic.

In fact, the eventual diseppearance of the Beylical system hed long been planned by Destouriens and taken for granted by most Tunisians. There had never been any deep feeling among the people for ic, although it had been accepted without rancor.

But the whole political evolution of Tunisia, from the earliest

117

days of the nationalist struggle, had taken place outside the monarchy, which had remained a fossil instirution incapable of inspiring affection or admiraion. Tihe neo-Destour had been the focus of national life and Bourguiba the national hero.

Accordingly on July 25, 1057, the Assembly unanimously passed a resolution abolishing the monarchy and proclaiming Tunisia a repablic Premier Bouguiba was entrusted with the duties of head of state until the constiution was ready. That was not undl June 1oso, and nacional elections were not held until November that vear, so that for two years Tunisia functioned provisionally with Bourguiba as head of state and head of goverment without a legislative assembly in cxistence. This meant a heavy concentration of power in the hands of one man, and it is significant that almost all the social refomm legislation was promulgated in che period between 1956 and 1959 by executive decree and bears the stamp of the presidential personality.

The constinion as adopted stablished Tunisia as a republican state, with islam its religioa end Arabic is language, which forms a part of the "Greater Maghrib." The choice of regine was infuenced both by American ideas-Bourguiba has always been an admirer of Franklin D. Roosevelt, whom he resembles

in many ways-and, negaively, by the example of the Fourch Republic in France, the wealness of which was fully demonstrated while the document was under study. Thus a presidential regime was chosen which gives much power to the executive but provides a legislative check as well. The President is elected directly by uriversal adult sufrage for a period of fve years and can hold office for three terons. Like the Aunerican president, he appoints his cabinet (whose menbers are tidled Secretaries of Sate rather than Ministers), is Commander-inchief of the armed forces, declares war and makes peace, and ratifes treaties with the agreement of the Assembly, The President can introduce legislation which then takes precedence, can issue orders in council while the assembly is not in session,